A refugee said "I cannot go back to my country because of the following points: 1. Imprisonment and Persecution 2. Torture and punishment 3. Electric torture 4. Beating with the stick on the feet (corporal punishment) 5. threatening me to be killed 6. Lack of human rights organizations which can lobby against human rights violation in the country. 7. Threatening to abuse my family members. 8. Demolition of my house. Due to all that I can’t go back".

Home Page

Jan 27, 2011

Press Release Monday 17th January 2011












Will Libyan’s living under the Dictatorship of Gaddafi follow in the footsteps of their Tunisian neighbours?



The people of Libya have been gagged by the single party totalitarian regime of Col Gaddafi for 41 years. With oppressive Laws such as Law 71 which makes it illegal to form an Organisation or a Party that criticises the Regime, carrying the death penalty, there have been few incidences of public protest in Libya. But the wind is changing and tomorrow Libyan’s have planned a protest in Tripoli, Benghazi and Darna.



The first sign of activists taking to the streets was when empty new houses were occupied by squatters who are in despair about the chronic shortage of housing in the oil rich country where homeless families have to exist on the streets while the fat cats in power enjoy the life of the rich and elite and buy some of the most expensive real estate on earth for their own personal use. These houses were built all over Libya by Investment Bankers and sold to the people.



Eight years later the people still have not been able to move in to their properties and now the squatters have moved in. Two days ago Gaddafi in his speech in Sabha, South Libya announced that the empty houses should be handed over to the people. Sounds good doesn’t it? The problem is that these houses are not still owned by the investment bankers, they have been bought with the blood sweat and tears of Libyan workers who have waited eight years to have their dreams come true, and now Gaddafi is giving their houses away to other people who didn’t pay for them.



Gaddafi committed this act of stupidity in the face of panic because of what happened to Ben Ali in Tunisia. Aware his people are at breaking point because of the poverty in Libya he wanted to do something to make him look like a benevolent Dictator, giving to the poor. The only problem was that unlike Robin Hood, he was stealing the property from the poor to give to the poor. So the people who have had their property confiscated are heading for the streets in a rare show of bravery. It is crucial that the British Press covers these protests. It is the only protection from annihilation that these people have, that the West is watching. We call on the British Press to cover these demonstrations and watch how the regime responds.



It took the self immoliation of unemployed graduate Mohsen Bouterfif to start the uprising in Tunisia, what will it take to get the people on the streets in Libya? Perhaps the shooting of the protesting homeless. Will the domino theory be played out in the Middle East? We may know by Tuesday.



http://english.ahram.org.eg/NewsContent/2/8/4032/World/Region/Libya-protest-over-housing-enters-its-third-day.aspx





THE BLSC WILL BE LEAFLETTING OUTSIDE THE LIBYAN EMBASSY EVERYDAY THIS WEEK 18TH – 22ND FROM BETWEEN 11 am – 4 pm

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Araya Human Rights Organisation: 2,200 Arab Scholars, Politicians, and Activists Is...

Araya Human Rights Organisation: 2,200 Arab Scholars, Politicians, and Activists Is...: "Washington - January 27, 2011 - In the Aftermath of the Tunisian revolution, and the beginning of a popular uprising in Egypt, more than 2,2..."

2,200 Arab Scholars, Politicians, and Activists Issue Appeal for Human Rights and Democracy in the Arab World

Washington - January 27, 2011 - In the Aftermath of the Tunisian revolution, and the beginning of a popular uprising in Egypt, more than 2,200 Arab scholars, politicians, and activists - from over 20 Arab countries - issued today an "URGENT APPEAL" for the defense and consolidation of human rights and democracy in the Arab World.

"The Casablanca Call has been endorsed by leading thinkers and politicians from the Arab World, from all political leanings and persuasions, from the leftists and secularists to moderate Islamists and the Muslim Brotherhood, agreeing that democracy and human rights are an "absolute necessity" for the Arab world today", sais Radwan Masmoudi, President of the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy (CSID), and convener of the Casablanca Conference on Human Rights and Democracy.



"The Tunisian revolution has shattered several myths: the myth of Middle Eastern democratic exceptionalism, the myth of achieving economic reform without political liberalization, and the myth that western backing of autocratic regimes in the region will maintain stability and protect western strategic interests", said Emad El-Din Shahin, Professor of Religion, Conflict and Peacebuilding at the University of Notre Dame, and one of the drafters of the Casablanca Call.



Included below is the text of the Casablanca Call:





The Casablanca Call for Democracy and Human Rights



We, the signatories to this call, as politicians, intellectuals and civil society advocates, believe that the achievement of democracy and the embodiment of human rights in the Arab world is an absolute necessity and requires a broader engagement of all citizens and political and social forces. We observe, with great concern, the dramatic and alarming backsliding of political reforms in the Arab world, due to several structural obstacles since the beginning of the new century. We hereby appeal to all parties concerned with the future of democracy - governments, civil society institutions, political organizations, trade unions, and the media - in the belief that the achievement of real and effective reforms is the responsibility of all parties.



We affirm that confronting the various obstacles that continue to prevent the achievement of a peaceful transfer of power requires the following:



1- An immediate undertaking of profound and effective political reforms that respect the rule of law and institutional integrity based on the principle of separation of powers. This must be done in accordance with the principle of peoples' sovereignty, respect for human rights and freedoms, and by confirming the ballot box as the only legitimate method of achieving a peaceful transfer of power, and ensuring the transparency of the electoral process, accepting its results, and enhancing the efforts of independent monitors in accordance with international standards;



2- Protection of an independent judiciary as a top priority for democratic change, as a prerequisite for the protection of human rights and freedoms, and as the guarantor for the supremacy of the rule of law and state institutions;



3- The immediate release of all political prisoners - numbering in the thousands in various Arab prisons - and putting an end to political trials of any kind, torture of political opponents, and the practice of kidnapping;



4- Enabling and encouraging political parties and trade unions to engage in their right to organize freely, use all available media outlets, take advantage of public funding, and be free of any interference of the state apparatus in their affairs;



5- Acknowledgment of the right of civil society organizations to perform their advocacy roles freely and effectively, having their independence and privacy duly respected, their internal affairs not disrupted, and their sources of financial support kept open and active. We call upon all Arab governments to engage with civil society organizations in real a partnerships to achieve sustainable human development and to empower women and youth to take part in the development process;



6- Guarantee of freedom of expression, free access of the media and journalists to information and news sources. The respect for the independence of journalists' syndicates and allowing them to disseminate information and opinion without censorship, and undue administrative, or judicial pressures, and the abolishment of the imprisonment penalty in cases against journalists;



7- Development of mechanisms to ensure the neutrality of state institutions and their placement in the direct service of their constituents regardless of political allegiances, and without interference in the affairs of political parties and civil society organizations;



8- Mobilization of all forces and efforts to comply with good governance, political integrity and transparency, and combating corruption as an unethical social, political, and economic phenomenon that has turned administrative corruption into a system for administering corruption. We believe this undermines development efforts, drains national resources, and threatens social peace;



9- Summoning of the private sector to play its role in the contribution to political reforms, the preservation of freedoms and to strive for social justice, affirming the strong link between development and democracy, and ensuring transparency and free and fair competition;



10- Supporting efforts to achieve national reconciliation and unity and avoid the dangers that threaten unity, and feed the sectarian, religious, ethnic, and political conflicts that destabilize Arab states and societies;



11- Appealing to democratic forces in the entire world to put pressure on their own governments to refrain from supporting non-democratic regimes in the Arab world, and from adopting double standards in their relations with Arab regimes;



12- Reaffirmation of the interconnectedness of political reform with the renewal of religious thought, which requires support for, and expansion of, the practice of ijtihad in a climate of complete freedom of thought, under democratic systems of government. Furthermore, we support the dialogue that began several years ago between Islamists and secularists at the local and regional levels and emphasize the importance of continuing such endeavors in order to provide solid ground for the protection of democracy and human rights from any political or ideological setbacks.



Sign the Casablanca Appeal (in Arabic)



 
Lire L'Appel de Casablanca (en Francais)


Jan 14, 2011

AGM and Public Meeting on WikiLeaks Contents

29th January 2011 - AGM and Public Meeting on WikiLeaks
Contents

1.Annual General Meeting - Sat 29th January 2011 - Central Hotel Dublin
1.Deadline for Submitting Motions and Nominations to Steering Committee 15th January 2011
2.Agenda.
3.Who can Attend and Vote at The AGM
4.Submitting Resolutions.
5.Registration.
6.Membership Fees.
2.WikiLeaks The Truth - Public Meeting Central Hotel Dublin - 29th January 2011 15:00 - 17:00.
3.Donating to the Irish Anti-War Movement
1.Setup a Standing Order




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1. Annual General Meeting - Sat 29th January 2011 - Central Hotel Dublin
The Irish Anti War Movement Annual General Meeting (AGM) will take place on Saturday 29th January 2011 in the Central Hotel Exchequer Street Dublin. Registration will begin at 11:30AM.

Deadline for Submitting Motions and Nominations to Steering Committee 15th January 2011

1-1. Agenda for Annual General Meeting
11:30 - 12:00 Registration.

12:00 - 12:10 Treasurers Report.

12:10 - 14:00 Motions & Election of Committee.

14:00 - 15:00 Lunch.

15:00 - 17:00 WikiLeaks The Truth Public Meeting.

1-2. Who can Attend and Vote at The AGM
1.All members may attend a general meeting provided that the current membership fee has been paid in advance of the meeting. All affiliates may send one delegate to a general meeting provided that the current affiliation fee has been paid in advance of the meeting.
2.All members and delegates have one vote each at a general meeting.
3.A decision of a general meeting of the IAWM is binding on the SC and overrides any previous decisions. This constitution may only be amended by a general meeting. However, amendments to this constitution may be made by the next quarterly delegate meeting held after the general meeting of 08 May 2004, which adopted this constitution.
4.A steering committee shall be elected at each AGM.
5.Draft resolutions and nominations for the steering committee should be submitted to the Secretary at least 14 days beforehand. The secretary shall publish draft resolutions at least 7 days beforehand.


1-3. Submitting Resolutions
Resolutions may be submitted in the following ways:

1.By E-mail:- To the secretary via e-mail info@irishantiwar.org

2.By Post:- Send the resolutions to The Irish Anti-War Movement, PO Box 9260 Dublin 1.


1-4. Registration
Members may register in the following ways:

1.Registration can be done on-line by following this link http://www.irishantiwar.org/node/1046 and then clicking on the "Sign up for Annual General Meeting".
2.Registration can also be done on the morning of the AGM.


1-5. Membership Fees
•€5 Unwaged or Students.
•€10 Waged.
All members who have taken out standing orders or who have paid through PayPal do not need to pay a registration fee.

To set-up a standing order with the Irish-Anti War Movement please go to the following link http://www.irishantiwar.org/files/standing-order-form.doc fill in the form and post to the Irish Anti-War Movement P.O. Box 9260 Dublin 1.

For more info on all IAWM activities please see website www.irishantiwar.org



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2. WikiLeaks The Truth - Public Meeting Central Hotel Dublin 15:00 - 17:00
Harry Brown (Lecturer in Journalism) will speak in the Central Hotel Dublin 15:00 - 17:00 on the topic of WikiLeaks and the campaign against Julianl Assange being waged after he leaked top-secret US documents.

These documents have shed light on the way international relations work and have exposed many items which political leaders would prefer that people did not know.

Since the leaking of these top secret documents there has been a concerted campaign against WikiLeaks and Julianl Assange.

The web site has been removed.

1.PayPal has stopped processing donations to WikiLeaks
2.Julianl Assange has been brought up on trumped up charges.
3.Death threats have been made to Julianl Assange

Jan 11, 2011

Libya violating human rights despite new image, says AmnestyReport claims


west ignores state violence in rush to cosy up to Muammar Gaddafi's regime since relations thawed

Human rights observance in Libya is failing to keep pace with the country's improved international image, with abuses rife and state security forces enjoying impunity for their actions, Amnesty International reports today.

Britain, the US and other countries are accused of turning a blind eye to "gross" domestic excesses committed by Muammar Gaddafi's regime, as they rush to co-operate over counter-terrorism and invest in the oil-rich north African country.

Floggings used as punishment for adultery, indefinite detentions and abuses of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers, as well as the legacy of unresolved cases of enforced disappearances of dissidents are documented in a 135-page report – the product of Amnesty's first visit to Libya in five years during which the human rights organisation enjoyed partial co-operation from the authorities.

Amnesty singles out Libya's internal security agency, which has unchecked powers to detain and interrogate individuals suspected of dissent or of terrorism-related activities. Detainees can be held incommunicado for long periods, tortured and denied access to lawyers. Hundreds languish in jails after serving their sentences or having been cleared by the courts. The death penalty is still used – and disproportionately against foreigners.

The report highlights the failure to adequately address the notorious Abu Salim prison killings of 1996 in which up to 1,200 detainees are believed to have been extrajudicially executed following a riot. A promised investigation has not materialised and families of victims have been offered compensation on condition they do not resort to the courts.

The cases of dissidents Jabalah Matar, Mansour al-Kikhiya and others, who disappeared in Egypt, remain unresolved. There have been no efforts to investigate the "physical liquidation" of opponents of the regime during the 1980s.

Amnesty's mission, like a recent one by Human Rights Watch, was facilitated by the Gaddafi Development Foundation, run by the leader's reformist son and possible heir, Saif al-Islam. But planned prison visits were curtailed and researchers were unable to conduct activities independent of the GDF programme such as meet families of victims of human rights abuses.

Libya has seen "tangible but modest" improvements in freedom of expression but state control is still tight, says Amnesty.

Migrants, refugees and asylum seekers from elsewhere in Africa attempting to seek sanctuary in Italy and the EU face arrest, indefinite detention, and abuse, the report finds. Libya is not a signatory to the 1951 UN convention on refugees and this month, the authorities ordered the UNHCR to leave.

"The human rights situation in Libya remains dire," the report concludes. "Officials responsible for gross human rights violations remain above the law and enjoy total impunity. On the other hand, thousands of individuals are completely outside the protection of the law and continue to suffer in silence and isolation, seeing little hope in the 'Libya of tomorrow', a slogan frequently repeated by Saif al-Islam al-Gaddafi."

Amnesty's Middle East and North Africa deputy director, Hassiba Hadj Sahraoui, said: "If Libya is to have any international credibility, the authorities must ensure that no one is above the law and that everyone, including the most vulnerable and marginalised, is protected by the law.

"The repression of dissent must end. Libya's international partners cannot ignore Libya's dire human rights record at the expense of their national interests."


Ian Black, Middle East editor guardian.co.uk, Wednesday 23 June 2010





.Document - Libya: Four arrested amid fears of Amazigh culture crackdown
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL

PUBLIC STATEMENT

AI Index: MDE 19/001/2011

6 January 2011

Libya: Four arrested amid fears of Amazigh culture crackdown





Amnesty International today called on the Libyan authorities to immediately clarify the whereabouts and legal status of four men – two Libyan and two Moroccan nationals – held in Libya seemingly in connection with Amazigh cultural or academic activities. The organization expressed concerns that the four men might be held solely on account of their perceived interest in Amazigh language and culture, in which case they would be prisoners of conscience.

Two Libyan twin brothers, Mazigh and Maghris Bouzahar, were arrested on 16 December 2010 from their home in Tripoli allegedly by members of the External Security Agency, an intelligence body. Their relative, residing in Canada, told Amnesty International that they were taken for questioning in relation to a meeting one of the brothers held with an Italian student visiting Libya. They have been held ever since.

The Italian student was detained for about three weeks before being released and allowed to leave Libya on 24 December. According to Libyan Amazigh cultural rights activists in exile, he was interested in Amagizh language and culture in Libya.

Several days after the arrests, members of the External Security Agency returned to the home of the Bouzahar brothers and confiscated a number of items, including all books related to Amaghiz culture and a computer.

A few days after the arrest of the Bouzahar brothers, news emerged in Morocco that two Moroccan nationals, Al-Mahfouz Asmhari and Hassan Ramou, had been arrested in Libya. The two are researchers at the Royal Moroccan Institute for Amazigh Culture, respectively, in the Centre of Historical and Environmental Studies and the Centre of Sociological and Anthropological Studies. They had travelled to Tunisia in the framework of their academic research, and are believed to have visited Amazigh artifacts. They are reported to have travelled to Libya from Tunisia on 14 December. They reportedly spent the next four days in Nalut, in the Western part of Libya in the Nafusa Mountains, famous for its Amazigh granary. Their families in Morocco lost contact with them since 19 December, the day before they were meant to travel back to Tunisia. They are believed to have been arrested by members of the External Security Agency and to be held at an undisclosed location.

The four men continue to be held by security agencies reportedly without charge in breach of Article 26 of the Libyan Code of Criminal Procedure which sets the limit of 48 hours for law enforcement officers to refer suspects to the Department of Public Prosecutions unless accused of certain offences, including those “against the state”, in which case suspects can be remanded in custody for up to seven days. Article 26 further stipulates that the Department of Public Prosecutions must question the accused within 24 hours and then issue an order for release or detention. Further, the four are reported not to have access to lawyers in contravention to Law No. 47 of 1975 on prisons. On numerous occasions, Amnesty International has raised concerns that security agencies in Libya continue to wield extensive and unchecked powers and breach Libyan legislation as well as human rights law and standards with total impunity, including provisions of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) relating to arbitrary arrest and detention and judicial safeguards.

Amnesty International calls on the Libyan authorities, at the very least, to grant the four men immediate and unimpeded access to their lawyers and families. The two Moroccan nationals should also be granted access to their consular representatives.

Amnesty International is also concerned that the arrests of the four men might be a result of the Libyan authorities’ intolerance to activities perceived as promoting the Amazigh cultural or linguistic heritage. As a state party to the ICCPR, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Libya is under the obligation to guarantee that all people are protected from discrimination on any grounds including ethnic, linguistic or cultural ones and must have the right to take part in cultural life. Should the four men be detained on account of their peaceful academic, linguistic or cultural activities, Amnesty International would consider them to be prisoners of conscience and call for their immediate and unconditional release.





Background

The Libyan authorities claimed in their submission to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination in 2003 that all Libyans are of a “common racial origin, all profess Islam and speak Arabic”. The state report added that: “The fact that all Libyan citizens share a common origin, religion and language has undoubtedly been a determining factor in the absence of racial discrimination in the country”. Groups based abroad, such as the Libyan Working Group, the Tabu Front for the Salvation of Libya, and the World Amazigh Congress disagree with this assessment and argue that the Libyan Nationality Code is inherently discriminatory in defining citizenship as “Arab”. Such groups also complain that the Amazigh language and culture is not recognized and that obstacles prevent the Amazigh community from preserving their language and culture. For example, Law No. 24 of 1369 prohibits the usage of languages other than Arabic in publications; official documents; public spaces; and private enterprises. Additionally, Article 3 of Law No. 24 prohibits the use of “non-Arab, non-Muslim names” as determined by the General People’s Committee [ equivalent to prime minister’s office]. The law provides no opportunity for parents to appeal against the decision of the General People’s Committee.

Libyan authorities also seem to show little tolerance towards Amazigh cultural rights activists, even those based abroad. In November 2009, the Libyan authorities deported Khaled Zerari, deputy head of the Word Amazigh Congress from Libya upon his arrival from Morocco to attend the funeral of a known Amazigh figure in Libya. After questioning him for several hours at the airport, Libyan law enforcement officials forced him to board a flight to Rome, from where he returned to Morocco. No official reason for the ban was provided, but it is believed that he was prevented from entering Libya due to his activism for the rights of the Amazigh in North Africa.